The Gospel of John and Historical Reliability - Part 1
In 1844, the Tübinger Jahrbuch published an essay by F. C. Baur to the effect that John’s Gospel should be dated no earlier than AD 160, and probably closer to 170. Baur came to this conclusion because he was heavily influenced by G. F. Hegel, the father of the “dialectic” named after him. Hegelian dialectic is known today mostly by its curt description: thesis, antithesis, synthesis. That is, one school of thought exists, followed by one that is strongly opposed to it. As these two duke it out, a third school emerges which gleans from the pugilists certain harmonizable ideas, thus reaching a compromise or, more accurately, a new synthesis. Baur applied HD to the New Testament and came to the conclusion that the Gospel of John was probably the last book of the NT to be written. It synthesized the Peter school of Jewish Christianity with the Paul school of the mission to the Gentiles, forming a new amalgam that attempted a harmonization between the two. Hence, it could not have been written in the first century, according to Baur, since such a rapprochement did not exist historically in the first century.
Baur went on to wrestle with the implications of Hegelian dialectic for all of NT history and early Christianity. He is rightly called the “Father of the Tübingen School” of theology. This was both a movement and a place. The movement was essentially the implications of Hegelian dialectic teased out for the NT. The school was a university, with its own seminary, in southern Germany, about 20 minutes from Stuttgart (by way of Autobahn; I’ll drive). The university was founded in 1477; the Protestant seminary in 1536. Both thrive today.
Baur’s influence over German NT studies in the 19th century (and well into the 20th and 21st) can hardly be overestimated. In relation to the Gospel of John, it essentially turned the tide of the scholarly world against seeing historicity in this Gospel. That is, because of Baur, scholars for decades considered John to be the least historical, the most theological, of the Gospels. Indeed, it would not be too much to say that many regarded John to not have any reliable historical information in it at all—except in broad outline. To this day, this is the opinion of many, if not most, scholars.
But Baur’s hypothesis was challenged rigorously by historians in Britain, most notably J. B. Lightfoot. Lightfoot showed that early second century patristic writers (writing before 150) must surely have known of John’s Gospel, thus rendering Baur’s notion of John’s origination in the second half of the second century invalid. Yet even with Lightfoot’s influence, biblical scholars continued to date this Gospel to the second century, albeit early in the second century. And by so doing, they felt they could readily dismiss any historical credibility in the book.
Ninety years after Baur first published his thesis on John, a young doctoral student studying at Manchester University came across a scrap of papyrus in the John Rylands Library. Colin H. Roberts was intrigued by the papyrus fragment, which had been excavated decades earlier from rubbish heaps in Egypt. It was only 2 & ½ inches by 3 & ½ inches, but its importance far outweighed its size. Roberts immediately recognized it as a fragment of John’s Gospel—chapter 18, verses 31 to 33 on one side, and chapter 18, verses 37 and 38 on the other, to be exact. He sent the photographs of the fragment to three of the leading papyrologists in Europe. Each one reported independently that this fragment should be dated, on paleographical grounds, between AD 100 and AD 150. A fourth scholar disagreed, arguing that the fragment should be dated in the 90s of the first century!
This tiny fragment of John’s Gospel rocked the scholarly near-consensus on the date of John, for it is impossible for a copy to be written before the original text is produced. It effectively sent two tons of German scholarship to the flames. As one wag put it, “This manuscript must have been written when the ink on the original text was barely dry.”
The discovery and publication of P52, the papyrus discovered by Roberts, conjure up aphoristic ditties that are almost proverbial in their staying power and application—such as, “An ounce of evidence is worth a pound of presumption.” Or, “The Germans create it [i.e., some aberrant theological viewpoint], the British correct it, and the Americans corrupt it!” Although in 1934, the Americans were not really getting into the mix on this find, they would in later decades. We have certainly contributed our fair share, and beyond, of looney views to academia.
Nevertheless, with the discovery of this papyrus, there was a new impetus for perhaps seeing something of historical value in John’s Gospel. Hardly enough to really get serious interest going in this topic, but at least it was a start. The following decades would increase John’s credibility, even on the part of some liberal theologians.
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- The Gospel of John and Historical Reliability - Part 1
- The Number of the Beast
- What If We Found The Original New Testament But Did Not Know It?
- Converse with Scholars: Can We Trust the Gospels? Mark Roberts
- New Testament Textual Criticism: Answer Key to Quiz
Jason Dulle on 13 May 2008 at 11:45 am #
Dan,
Why, if we now know John to have been written in the late first, or very early second century, do most scholars continue to see little historical value in this book?
Dan Wallace on 13 May 2008 at 11:58 am #
Jason, that’s an excellent question. I think the answer involves two or three elements: (1) the shadow of Baur still looms over NT scholarship, even if some of the details of his views are considered bogus; (2) if John was written at the end of the first century, it is still later than Matthew, Mark, or Luke; and (3) the synoptic gospels show some sort of literary borrowing which, in turn, assumes reliance on earlier sources. This last point might be put more crassly: to the extent that Matthew and Luke look like Mark, and to the extent that Mark is speaking of historical situations, these gospels reflect genuine history. And the fact that John is so different from them, and is considered to be decades later than Mark, renders it far less reliable historically for most scholars.
One curious issue that all this raises is this: Why is the Gospel of Thomas often regarded as having more historically reliable information than John—especially if it is written AFTER John? In part, the answer is that it looks more like the synoptic gospels than John does, and thus may be drawing on similar sources. But in part Thomas gives a different picture of Jesus, and a different picture of Christianity—one that requires no faith, has no miracles or prophecy, etc.—that is more palatable to liberal scholarship. Hence, the Jesus Seminar actually colors more of Jesus’ sayings in Thomas red or pink than they do sayings in John, Mark, or Matthew!
Eric W on 13 May 2008 at 12:22 pm #
A couple tangential thoughts:
1. In his book The Beloved Disciple on the identity of the unnamed character in GJohn, James H. Charlesworth argues that the language of GThomas more resembles GJohn than it does the Synoptics, and he hypothesizes that Thomas is “the disciple whom Jesus loved.”
2. In the Afterword(?) to her book Christ the Lord: Out of Egypt, Anne Rice explains why she came back to Christ and Christianity and what prompted the writing of this novel (first of a series; the second volume came out in 2008). (IMO, readers should definitely read this BEFORE they begin the novel.) She describes all the literature she read in the process, including lots and lots of theological writings. IIRC, she says that one of the things that convinced her of the early date of the Gospels, and hence their historicity, was the lack of mention of the destruction of Jerusalem by Rome. She says that it’s inconceivable to her that those who had been through that calamity would have failed to write about it, and she faults theologians, especially those who argue for a late date for the composition of the NT documents, for not being willing to deal with this event and for failing to grasp its enormity and the enormity of its impact on the Jews.
(I hope this was not too off-topic.)
Mitch on 13 May 2008 at 12:43 pm #
But the 4 Gospels are recounting the historical events from Jesus’ birth (5 B. C.) to his death (33 A. D.). One would not expect a statement of the (future) destruction of Jerusalem during this time period. And, since the destruction of Jerusalem did not result in the return of Christ, how could that be explained? Matthew 24 seems to link the destruction of Jerusalem with Christ’s return (the Rapture being unknown during this time frame). I think more time was needed for Christians to grasp how Paul’s theology and the Gospel writers’ theology fit together. Beside, the book of Revelation was written after the destruction of Jerusalem, and John makes no reference to it.
Thank you Dr. Wallace for this recap on Baur. What in your opinion has to occur (or be discovered) to convince the liberal scholars today to abandon more of Baur’s assumptions?
Alex on 13 May 2008 at 1:12 pm #
Great story Dan! Thanks for posting. I wonder if you could point me to a
book or two that has this information in it?
Jan Krans on 13 May 2008 at 1:53 pm #
Dan,
I assume you are familiar with Nongbri’s article in HTR 98 (2005), pp. 23-48 (”The Use and Abuse of P52: Papyrological Pitfalls in the Dating of the Fourth Gospel”). Essentially, it seems, the margin in dating such a manuscript is so large that palaeography in this case cannot serve to disprove (or prove) “Tübingen”. Which of course does not mean that GJohn cannot be “early”, but any date has to be argued for otherwise. Nongbri tries to show that even an early third-century date is possible for P52, and he concludes: “As it stands now, the papyrological evidence should take a second place to other forms of evidence in addressing debates about the dating of the Fourth Gospel” (p. 46).
I am looking forward to see your position on GJohn’s historical reliability and especially how you will address the issue of the completely different style of GJohn as compared to the synoptics.
Greetings from Amsterdam,
Jan Krans
Dan Wallace on 13 May 2008 at 2:20 pm #
Friends, you’re anticipating some of the points I will be making in follow-ups to this post. I will be discussing the destruction of the Temple and why it’s not mentioned in John (though Anne Rice surely got her impetus from J. A. T. Robinson’s Redating the New Testament [1976]). And Jan, yes, I’m quite familiar with Nongbri’s article. For now, I wanted to simply trace the historical discussion about the date of John from Baur to Roberts. But I have to say that I think that Nongbri’s evidence is hardly compelling to open up the date of P52. Most papyrologists with whom I am familiar still date it 100-150. I found Nongbri’s argument to be along the lines of ‘well, since it’s possible that the fragment is later, that possibility must be given equal weight.’ In other words, he didn’t seem to weigh the evidence; rather, he counted it. By that I mean that he considered all possibilities to be created equal. That postmodern approach to the issue is not convincing in this matter.
But you can be assured that I will be addressing the differences between John and the synoptics and whether this means that John is historically reliable or not. It should be fun!
The historical Jesus dating game » MetaCatholic on 13 May 2008 at 3:54 pm #
[...] talking about the gospels. Early writings are held to carry a higher degree of historicity. Today Dan Wallace offered an initial post on the modern history of critical appraisal and dating of John. The idea that John was of little or [...]
ChadS on 13 May 2008 at 6:44 pm #
Dan,
What caught my interest in the story you related isn’t the dating or historical issues, but the fact that Hegel’s philosophy and way of thinking had a wide impact in Europe and particularly Germany of that time. I was wondering if you have any idea if Baur and Karl Marx studied at the same University or ran in similar intellectual circles to come under the heavy influence of Hegel at roughly the same time periods? It doesn’t seem like coincidence to me. Both certainly applied Hegel’s dialectic to different fields and utilized it in different ways but it seems in both cases the thesis, antithesis and synthesis survived both their thought processes.
ChadS
Dan Wallace on 13 May 2008 at 7:21 pm #
Chad, that’s a good question for which I have no answer.
Bill Honsberger on 13 May 2008 at 8:21 pm #
To answer the last question, Marx was a student of Hegel’s, along with Feuerbach and a few other notables.
The best way to undermind Baur is to undermine the Hegelian presuppositions. Much like Bultmann was building on sand with Heidegger, Christian theology has a long track of going goofy when built on pagan foundations. Nothing in Hegel is written in stone as if it must be subsumed into all of our understandings.
It is hard to imagine, especially as the Gospel of John has so many notations like “This was done so that the prophecy could be fulfilled” type statements, that a late date would NOT have included such a powerful apologetic as the destruction of the Temple. It was central to Jewish life and worship and caused a cataclysmic theological shift in their understanding. Yet none of that is present in the Gospels or any other NT letters. Seems to powerfully argue for a early date, regardless of extant copy issues.
Bill
bethyada on 14 May 2008 at 3:44 am #
Beside, the book of Revelation was written after the destruction of Jerusalem, and John makes no reference to it.
Perhaps Revelation was written prior to 70 AD then.
JoanieD on 14 May 2008 at 5:50 am #
Thanks, Dan. I love the Gospel of John and wish that scholars would give it the same consideration they do to the other Gospels. The Gospel of Thomas, on the other hand…forget it.
Joanie D.
Edward T. Babinski on 14 May 2008 at 5:25 pm #
A SYNOPSIS OF THE CURRENT STATE OF JOHANNINE STUDIES CAN BE FOUND IN this month’s issue of Expository Times 119.8 (May 2008)
“Beyond the Shade of the Oak tree: The Recent Growth of Johannine Studies”
by Paul Anderson
The journal is not online yet, but I was browsing and noticed it.
Ed
( Edward T. Babinski )
Dan Wallace on 14 May 2008 at 5:56 pm #
Interesting that you would mention the article by Paul Anderson, Ed. Paul has contributed to the discussion significantly with a recent book of his own on this topic. I’ll be discussing it in a later post.
bethyada on 15 May 2008 at 5:10 am #
So when was the Magdalen Papyrus (Matthew) copied? I have heard pre 70 AD, is that reasonable?
Confessions of a Seminarian » Blog Archive » Around the Wire… on 15 May 2008 at 7:59 am #
[...] (un)reliability of John. Dan Wallace over at Parchment and Pen just started a mini-series analyzing the historical reliability of the gospel, and some very interesting insights into academic history regarding it. A very good [...]
JoanieD on 15 May 2008 at 5:20 pm #
In John 19:25-27, it says, “Near the cross of Jesus stood his mother, his mother’s sister, Mary the wife of Clopas, and Mary Magdalene. When Jesus saw his mother there, and the disciple whom he loved standing nearby, he said to her, ‘Woman, here is your son,’ and to the disciple, ‘Here is your mother.’ From that time on, this disciple took her into his home.” (NIV)
We are told that the “disciple whom he loved” was John. Therefore, I used to think it odd that the Gospel of John didn’t have the “nativity story” in it. You would have thought that if Mary lived with John for quite a few years, he would have wanted her “part” of the story in his written presentation of the Gospel. But others have said that John knew other “Gospels” were circulating which told that part of of Jesus’ story and the Catholic website at http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/08438a.htm says the author “… is far more intent on leading us to a deeper understanding of Christ’s Divinity and majesty by a consideration of His words, discourses, and teaching, and to impress upon our minds the far more glorious marvels of His Divine Love.” I like that. When I was looking around the internet for comments about the purpose of this gospel, I came across that there are no parables in the Gospel of John. I may have known that at one time, but forgot. That certainly is different from the synoptic gospels!
Joanie D.
Dan Wallace on 16 May 2008 at 3:23 am #
bethyada, the short answer to your question is no. The longer answer is no, it’s not reasonable.
Eric W on 16 May 2008 at 12:08 pm #
Joanie D:
Have you noticed that in John’s Gospel, neither “the disciple whom Jesus loved” nor Jesus’s mother is named? Are they simply historical personages, or are do represent something more in GJohn?
An acquaintance shared a friend’s theory that GJohn is laid out somewhat like the tabernacle - altar and laver (John 3: born of water; God gave His Son); showbread (John 6: bread of life); lampstand (John 8/9: light of the world); incense altar (John 17: High Priestly prayer); ark w/2 covering cherubim (John 20: two angels at head and foot of where Jesus lay). He also demonstrated a reverse chiastic structure between parts of GJohn and the Apocalypse. I’m not sure where I (mis)laid those papers, though.
The historical credibility of the Gospel of John « Ferrell’s Travel Blog on 26 May 2008 at 10:25 pm #
[...] 26, 2008 · No Comments Over at Parchment and Pen, Dan Wallace has written on “The Gospel of John and Historical Realibility - Part 1. Already [...]